Interested in the intersections between policy, law and technology. Programmer, lawyer, civil servant, orthodox Marxist. Blind.


Interesado en la intersección entre la política, el derecho y la tecnología. Programador, abogado, funcionario, marxista ortodoxo. Ciego.

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Cake day: June 5th, 2023

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  • Very well-reasoned article, though the political constraints might end up making implementing its recommendations impossible. Hard to see how the US and EU could make the rhetorical shifts it would take. If events continue as they are now, the military realities may preclude it. While it seems advantageous to reach a negotiated settlement for all sides at the moment, this will not remain the case forever.


  • modulus@lemmy.mltoLemmy@lemmy.mlRFC for Private Communities in Lemmy
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    6 months ago

    I can think of alternatives. For example, the server could keep the user’s private key, encrypted with a passphrase that the user must have. So key loss wouldn’t be an issue. (Yes, passphrase loss might, but there are lots of ways to keep those safely already, compared to key material which is difficult to handle.)








  • Not that I expect a lot of consistency from imperialists, but essentially the same lines of argument can be used regarding the Russian Federation.

    An advisory opinion would effectively settle Israel’s “bilateral dispute” without the state’s consent.

    Ditto for .ru and .ua.

    The court is not equipped to examine a “broad range of complex factual issues concerning the entire history of the parties’ dispute”.

    Same thing, especially if we get back to the formation of the Soviet Union, independence referenda, and so on.

    An advisory opinion would conflict with existing agreements between the parties and negotiation frameworks endorsed by the UN.

    This would be Minsk I and II.

    The request is not appropriate as it asks the court to “assume unlawful conduct on the part of Israel”.

    Ditto.


  • Historically many if not most conflicts started with the breach of an agreement. Without getting bogged down in irrelevant detail, there are issue of self-determination of Crimea, which repeatedly in 3 referenda (2 if you wish to exclude the last one) pronounced in favour of either autonomy or being part of the CIS (effectively Russian Federation). Likewise, and setting aside the 2014 events for the moment, there also were agreements that, in principle, may have served as a valid status quo, such as Minsk II, and were not complied to by the parties.

    So, sure, some form of trust-building will be necessary. But what’s the alternative? Endless war?



  • No such implication is there. All I said was serious negotiations, which given the state of facts entails the prospect of territorial concessions. I don’t expect the negotiations would lead to a simple redrawing of the borders to take account of what each side materially holds at present. In fact, I don’t have much of a preconceived idea of what such negotiations would be like other than I find it extremely unlikely that Crimea will return to Ukrainian control. That’s the point of negotiation: finding out what the belligerents can live with.